St. Tikhon’s University Review . Series III: Philology

In this article the author discusses means and opportunities, as well as the timeframe of the preliminary stage of the civilization convergence using the evidence of the interactions between the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire and Armenia. These countries originally both used to represent different civilizational types, Graeco-Roman and Iranian-Transcaucasian respectively — the premise which would exclude, as it might seem, any possibility of creating a common inter-space, or contact zone, between them. However, such contact zone began to form already in the sixth and seventh centuries and reached its highpoint in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The starting point for this civilizational rapprochement should be seen already in the third century when certain political and religious factors led to gradual alienation of Armenia from the Iranian world. In other words, one may assert that there are compelling results of a successful dialogue between the two states and cultures despite the initial unlikelihood that such a dialogue could even occur. In the early fourth century Armenia converted to Christianity, but pagan beliefs and practices endured for a long time among elite and non-elite people alike. The adoption of Christianity not only as a state, but also a folk religion, and further distancing of Armenia from the Iranian world became possible only after the emergence of the Armenian alphabet and literature. Translators of the so called Hellenizing school introduced to their nation works on liturgics, philosophy, rhetoric and science, thus covering the educational palette of the Middle Ages. The Hellenophile translators also composed original works in Armenian. Armenian historical prose might be considered the beginning of the Christian historiography. The defense of their faith and customs, resistance to the cultural and religious assimilation in the work of the vardapets went along with their struggle for the independence and revival of the ancient Armenian kingdom.

the Byzantine Empire, Iran, Armenia, the Greco-Roman and Iranian-Transcaucasian civilizations, the civilization types, the civilizational convergence, christianization, creating of written language, the national historiography of the 5th century, the Hel

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Arutiunova-Fidanian Viada

The article based on the data of Bakhmetev Archive at Columbia University (New York) explores a composition, the main problems and sources of the course on hagiology by Georgy Fedotov which he gave at the Theological Institute in Paris. The studies of a preserved syllabus of the course and other documents allow to conclude that the the sources of it were the studies by Georgy Fedotov on early medieval Church during his Petersburg’s period, publications of the Bollandists (primarily Hippolyte Delehaye’s works), the works of German scholars (the Church historians, theologians and philologists), with whom Fedotov could learn during his deportation to Germany (1906–1908). The part of the course’s materials (especially for Oriental monastic hagiography) was probably studied by him later, in Paris. The article also focuses on the difference between the concepts of “hagiography” and “hagiology”, which was essential for Fedotov. The studies of the syllabus lead to the conclusion that it presents only a part of the real course by Fedotov. In particular, the syllabus has no section on Russian hagiography. In his autobiography, Fedotov pointed out that in the course of lectures was included Russian hagiography, which later was the subject of his independent research. It is puzzling the absence of a section on the Palestinian hagiography that Fedotov considered as very important sourse for the Russian monastic mind. It is possible that the syllabus presents a condensed course on hagiology that Fedotov gave in the fi rst half of the year (1938), since January 1939 he received a semi-sabbatical leave and went to England.

Christian literarure, Georgy Fedotov, hagiography, hagiology, the archives of the Russian emigration

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Voitenko Anton

The present article offers an analysis of occurrences of the religious feasts, attested in texts of the Royal chronicles of Ethiopian kings and rulers, mostly in the second half of the 18th century AD. This was due to the fact that all the scribes (Royal secretaries) were educated in the traditional schools, i.e. Church schools. There they had to participate in Church services and some of them became priests. That is why they were well acquainted with the Hole Scripture and Church practices. The period in question was marked with the considerable political destabilization and decentralization of the Ethiopian state. This considerably influenced religious feelings of the population. The official historiography in the second half of the 18th century is dedicated not to the Monarch but to the influential feudal lords, who managed to concentrate the control over the country in their hands. The main goal of the present research is to verify which religious feasts were celebrated at the Royal court during this difficult epoch and which were ignored. The data extracted from the chronicles of the second half of the 18th century were compared with the previous historiographical material.

Ethiopian Church, religious feasts, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, Ethiopian historiography, traditional education, Takla Giyorgis I, political decentralization, Ethiopian history, Ethiopian manuscripts, Ethiopian literature

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Gusarova Ekaterina

Various aspects of the teaching of Aphrahat, the Persian sage († after 345), have drawn a lot of attention over the years, with his Christology being one of the most debatable problems. In the fi rst half of the 20th century Friedrich Loofs asserted that Aphrahat had ascribed the human properties, mentioned in the New Testament, not to the preexistent Son of God, but to the “historical Jesus”. According to the scholar, Aphrahat did not mention the pre-existence of Christ in a sense of a hypostasis, distinguished from the Father, because in the beginning He had existed as the spirit of God. The current article attempts not only to defi ne basic concepts of Aphrahat’s Christology and critically research Loofs’s interpretation, but also to put this Christological teaching into the context of Syriac theological tradition of the 4th century. By comparing Aphrahat’s Demonstrations with the writings of Ephrem the Syrian and Cyrillonas, the author has argued that all these concepts (communicatio idiomatum, the teaching of the pre-existent Son as the subject of Divine and human properties, as well as Aphrahat’s insistence on the Virgin Mary’s Divine maternity) had been accepted by Ephrem and Cyrillonas in order to be replaced by Antiochene Christology in the 5th century. At the same time, Ephrem excluded some archaic features of Aphrahat’s doctrine, such as subordinationism, from Syriac tradition, also improving theological vocabulary of the Persian sage and understanding the term "..." not only as the “reality”, “existence” or the “way of being”, but mostly as the “nature”.

Aphrahat, Сhristology, Church of the East, Cyrillonas, East Syrian tradition, Ephrem the Syrian, F. Loofs, Persia, Syriac Christianity, I. Ortiz de Urbina

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11. Tkachenko A. A. Didaskaliia apostolov // Pravoslavnaia entsiklopediia. Moscow, 2006. T. 14. P. 663–666.
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13. Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes / J. Parisot, ed. Paris, 1894–1907. (Patrologia Syriaca. Pars. 1. T. 1 [Demonst. 1–22] — 2 [23]).
14. Burgess R. W. The Dates of the First Siege of Nisibis and the Death of James of Nisibis // Byzantion. Vol. 69. N 1. 1999. P. 7–17.
15. Cyrillonas. On the Pasch of our Lord // Griffi n C. Cyrillona: A Critical Study and Commentary: Diss. Washington, 2011. P. 378–388.
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17. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Nativitate (Epiphania) / Hrsg. E. Beck. Louvain, 1958. (Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium; 186. Syr.; 82).
18. Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermo de Domino nostro / Hrsg. E. Beck. Louvain, 1966. (Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium; 270. Syr.; 116).
19. Gennadius Massilliensis. De viris illustribus // Patrologia Latina. 58. Paris, 1862. Col. 979–1120.
20. Grillmeier A. et al. Christ in Christian Tradition / M. Ehrhardt, transl. Oxf., 2013. Vol. 2. Pt. 3: The Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch from 451 to 600.
21. Irenaeus Lugdunensis. Adversus haereses // Patrologia Graeca. 7. Paris, 1864. Col. 437–1224.
22. Iustinus Martyr. Dialogus cum Tryphone Iudaeo // Patrologia Graeca. 6. Paris, 1857. Col. 471–800.
23. Klij n A. The Word ≪kejan≫ in Aphraates // Vigiliae Christianae. 1958. Vol. 12. N 2. P. 57–66.
24. Loofs F. Die trinitarischen und christologischen Anschauungen des Aphraates // Idem. Theophilus von Antiochien ≪Adversus Marcionem≫ und die anderen theologischen Quellen bei Irenaeus. Leipzig, 1930. S. 257–280. (Texte und Untersuchungen; 46/2).
25. Neusner J. Aphrahat and Judaism: The Christian-Jewish Arguments in Fourth-Century Iran. Leiden, 1971.
26. Ortiz de Urbina I. Die Gottheit Christi bei Afrahat. Roma, 1933.
27. Ortiz de Urbina I. La mariologia nei padri Siriaci // Orientalia Christiana Periodica. 1935. Vol. 1. P. 100–113.
28. Ortiz de Urbina I. Patrologia Syriaca. Romae, 1958.
29. Synodicon Orientale ou recueil de synodes nestoriens / J. B. Chabot, ed., trad. P., 1902.
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31. The Homilies of Aphraates, the Persian Sage / W. Wright, ed. L., 1869. Vol. 1: The Syriac Text.
32. The Odes of Solomon / J. H. Charlesworth, ed. Oxford, 1973.
33. Theodoretus Cyrrhensis. Historia religiosa // Patrologia Graeca. 82. Col. 1283–1396.

Zabolotnyi Evgenii

The standard translation for the Syriac word myatrūṯā is believed to be virtue (aρετή). The present article demonstrates that this is not so evident. The etymological analysis shows that the semantics of the stem YTR is constructed around the idea of tension (nervous or muscular). Syriac lexicographers registered some further developments, as the derivatives acquired meanings of abundance, benefit and convenience. The most sophisticated is the latest meaning of dignity out of which moral excellence has been extracted. Syro-Arabic lexicographers prefer to use words constructed upon the root fḍl thus reflecting the semantic shift. Greek word initially connected with military bravery has been chosen for the translation of myatrūṯā because of that later development. In the Syriac mystical literary Corpus the word myatrūṯā continued to be used in different ways. For the analysis Memre 1-6 fron the First Collection of Isaac have been chosen. Greek translators of St Isasac of Nineveh Patrikios and Abraamios inevitably used aρετή to render myatrūṯā. In the article a tentative semantical formalization for the word myatrūṯā has been performed. It falls into four vectors: ascetics in general (a); spiritual life (b); abundance (c) and, finally, acquired habit of good-doing (= virtue) (d). The results are preliminary but a somewhat more nuanced approach to the translation and understanding of the word in question seems to be a must.

Semitic linguistics, etymology, terminology, Syriac mystical literature, translations from Syriac to Greek, Isaac of Nineveh, lexicology, semantics

1. Avvy Isaaka Siriianina Slova podvizhnicheskie / S. I. Sobolevskii, per.; M. Novoselov, S. Chetverukhin, pred. Moscow, 1901.
2. Platon (Igumnov), arkhim. Dobrodetel' // Pravoslavnaia entsiklopediia. T. 15. P. 472–486.
3. ¹ββË õσαîκ τοÐ Σ÷ρου. ΛÖγοι Àσκητικο× / Pirard, ed. Øγιον Ùρος, 2011.
4. Ascetical Homilies of St. Isaac the Syrian / D. Miller, transl. Boston, 1984.
5. Assemani S.E. Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana: In Qua Manuscriptos Codices Syriacos, Arabicos, Persicos, Turcicos, Hebraicos, Samaritanos, Armenicos, Aethiopicos, Graecos, Aegyptiacos, Ibericos, & Malabaricos, [...] : T. 3. Romae, 1725.
6. Beulay. L’Enseignement spirituel de Jean de Dalyata mystique syro-oriental de VIII-e siecle. Paris, 1990 (Theologie historique; 83).
7. Mar Isaacus Ninivita. De Perfectione religiosa / P. Bedjan, ed. P.; Leipzig, 1909.
8. Leiden Peshitta 1979 = Ther Old Testament in Syriac according to the Peshitta Version. Part II, fasc. 5. Proverbs — Wisdom — Ecclesiastes — Song of Songs Wisdom of Solomon / A. M. Emerton, D. J. Lane; Qohelet, ed.
9. Payne Smith R. et al. Thesaurus Syriacus. Oxford, 1879.
10. Septuaginta 1935 = Rahlfs A. Septuaginta. 2 vols / Stuttgart: Wurttembergische Bibelanstalt. 1935.
11. Sokoloff . M. A Syriac Lexicon. A Translation from the Latin, Correction, Expansion, and Update of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum. Piscataway, 2009.
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Murav'ev Aleksei

The article is studing the revolts of the Egyptian Christians against the Arabic power in the 8th and 9th centuries. In general uprisings weren’t typical for the history of the Christian East under the Muslim rule. Nevertheless more than 6 Coptic riots were recorded between 725 and 831. The cradle of many of these insurrections was marshy region Bashmur in the Lower Delta. This area was inhabited by ethnic group of Bashmurites which had unique type of economy and evident linguistic and ethnic differences from the other Egyptian Christians. The reasons of the Coptic risings were economic, not religious. Sometimes Egyptian Christians and Muslims rose together against heavy taxation. The article analyses course and results of the Coptic riots, especially the largest ones of 750 and 831. The well trained Muslim armies forced to fight among marshes and lakes, in the landscape absolutely unfamiliar for them, often were defeated by small and ill-equipped groups of rebels. However the revolts had no perspectives because Bashmurites were deprived of the adequate political elite. The Coptic Church hierarchy and the secular elite were completely loyal to the Caliphate. The Patriarchs condemned the peasant revolts. The defeat of the last uprising was followed by radical ethnic cleaning and deportation of the remnants of the Bashmurites out of Egypt. The failure of the revolts caused the moral crisis of the Coptic community and the increasing Islamization.

the Copts, Egypt, the Christian Orient, Umayyads, Abbasids, Arabic Caliphate, Bashmuric revolts, the Christian-Muslim relations

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3. Prusakov D. B. Priroda i chelovek v Drevnem Egipte. Moscow, 1999.
4. al-Maqrizi, Ahmad ibn Ali. Kitab al-Khitat al-Maqriziyya. Al-Cahira, 1326/1908. Т. IV.
5. al-Tabari, Abu Djaafar Muhammad ibn Djarir. Tarikh al-Umam wa-l-Muluk (Bayt al-afkar al-dawliyya).
6. Atiya A. A History of Eastern Christianity. L., 1968.
7. Brett M. Population and conversion to Islam in Egypt in Medieval Period / Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras // Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta. 140. Leuven. 2005.
8. Chronique de Michel le Syrien / J.-B. Chabot, ed. T. III. Livre XII. Paris, 1905.
9. Eutichii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales. Pars prior / L. Sheikho, ed. Beryti; Parisiis, 1906; Pars posterior. Accedunt Annales Yahia Ibn Said Antiochensis / L. Sheikho, ed. Beryti; Parisiis, 1909.
10. History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria // Patrologia Orientalis. T. V, fasc. 1; T. X, fasc. 5 / B. Evetts, ed.
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12. Kasser R., Shisha-Halevy A. Dialect “G” (or Bashmuric or Mansuric) // The Coptic Encyclopedia. Vol. 8. Appendix. P. 74–76.
13. Kennedy H. Egypt as a Province in the Islamic caliphate, 641–868 // The Cambridge History of Egypt. Cambridge, 1998. Vol. I.
14. Masters B. Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World. The Roots of Sectarianism. Cambridge, 2001.
15. Mikhail M. “Egypt from Late Antiquity to Early Islam: Copts, Melkites and Muslims Shaping a New Society”. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 2004.
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17. Stewart R. al-Bashmur // The Coptic Encyclopedia. N. Y., 1991. Vol. 2. P. 349.
18. Swanson M. The Coptic Papacy in Islamic Egypt (641–1517). Cairo; N. Y., 2010.

Panchenko Konstantin

Stories of martyrs’ victories over magic and its practitioners usually represented as a magical duel between a martyr and a magician enjoyed great popularity in Coptic hagiography. The outcome of a magic contest was always predictable: a magician either converted to Christianity or continued to fight against the martyr and died an infamous death. These highly popular textual units — descriptions of conversions or continued resistance — are so standardised that it is difficult to assess the directions of the textual transmission; very often such descriptions coincide in different passions nearly verbatim. Another standard feature of Coptic martyr stories is how these texts represent magicians and magic rituals. In this article I argue that the immense popularity of these narratives refl ects a genuine concern on the part of the Church authorities about some lingering pagan practices which had made their way into Christian lifestyle and that certain features of these narratives have a didactic, not only entertaining, function.

Coptic hagiography, cycles, magic, Egypt

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10. Brown P. Sorcery, Demons and the Rise of Christianity // Religion and Society in the Age of Saint Augustine. L., 1972. P. 119‒146.
11. Clarysse W. The Coptic Martyr Cult // Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective: Memorial Louis Reekmans / Lamberigts M., van Deun, P., eds. Leuven, 1995. P. 377‒395.
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14. Delehaye H. Les passions des martyrs et les genres litteraires. Brussels, 1966.
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16. Dickie M. W. Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World. London, 2001.
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18. Frankfurter D. Dynamics of Ritual Expertise in Antiquity and Beyond // Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World / Meyer M. W., Mirecki P. A., eds. Leiden, 2002. P. 159‒178.
19. Frankfurter D. Demon Invocations in the Coptic Magical Spells // Actes du huitieme Congres international d’Etudescoptes / Bosson N., Boud’hors A., eds. Leuven, 2007. Vol. 2. P. 453‒466.
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21. Ioannes Chrysotomus. Hom. XII in 1 Cor // Patrologia Graeca. P., 1862. T. 61 P. 95‒108.
22. Janowitz N. Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews, and Christians. London, 2001.
23. Kazhdan A. Holy and Unholy Miracle Workers // Byzantine Magic / Maguire H., ed. Washington, 1995. P. 73‒82.
24. Le martyre de Saint Helias et l’encomium de l’eveque Stephanos de Hnes sur Saint Helias / Sobhy G. P. H., ed., transl. Cairo, 1919.
25. Les actes des martyres de l’Egypte / H. Hyvernat, ed. P., 1886.
26. Li Donnici L. R. Beans, Fleawort, and the Blood of a Hamadryas Baboon: Recipe Ingredients in Greco-Roman Magical Materials // Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World / Meyer M. W., Mirecki P. A., eds. Leiden, 2002. P. 359‒377.
27. Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World / Meyer M. W., Mirecki P. A., eds. Leiden, 2002.
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29. Maguire H. Byzantine Magic. Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, 1995.
30. Minnen P. van. The Earliest Account of a Martyrdom in Coptic // Analecta Bollandiana 113. 1995. P. 13‒38.
31. O’Leary D. L. The Saints of Egypt. L., 1937.
32. Peters E. The Magician, the Witch and the Law. University of Pennsylvania, 1978.
33. Rives J. B. Magic, Religion, and Law: The Case of the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et venefi ciis // Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome / Ando C., Rupke J., eds. Stuttgart, 2006. P. 47‒67.
34. Rogozhina A. A ‘tour of hell’ in the Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch // Coptic Society, Literature and Religion from Late Antiquity to Modern Times. Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of Coptic Studies, Rome, September 17th‒22nd, 2012, and Plenary Reports of the Ninth International Congress of Coptic Studies, Cairo, September 15th‒19th, 2008 / Buzi P., Camplani A., Contardi F., eds. Louvain, 2016. P. 1129‒1136.
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37. Wortley J. Some Light on Magic and Magicians // Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 42. 1991. P. 298‒307.

Rogozhina Anna

The present article is based on two Arab Orthodox versions of the life of St. George: the shorter one, found in a manuscript collection of hagiographic tales dated from the late 18th century AD and kept in the funds of the Academia Romana in Bucharest (B. A. R. Ms. Orientale 365, fol. 217v.7–228r.8) and the larger one, discovered in a manuscript of the National Library of Russia copied in Palestine in the mid-19th century AD (Arab. n. s. 91, fol. 58r, col. 1.1 — 70v, col. 2.8). The author succeeded in establishing that the roots of those two versions, the Coptic recension of that saint’s life as well as of the Arab Islamic legend on him are to be looked for in the Greek hagiographic tradition. All of them belong to the apocryphal group of variants of that tale, in which the motive of four deaths befell to the great martyr by God’s will is inherent. The discovery of two Arab Orthodox versions of that life resulted in reconsideration of the conclusions of the greatest Russian Arabist Ignatius Krachkovsky on the existence of two independent versions of the legend about St. George, genuine Christian and Islamic, and on the lack of any interdependence between Coptic (Copto-Arabic) and Syriac versions of his life. The text of the shorter Arab Orthodox version is examined in detail: as a result some peculiarities of its language and spelling, which are typical in general for the Arab Christian written tradition of the late Middle Ages, are marked out. However a purely phonetic spelling of the numeral arba‘at alaf “four thousand” (with the ta’ at the beginning of the second word) is worthy of noting: it indicates a lower level of the copyist’s literacy.

Arab Orthodox hagiography, St. George, apocryphal versions of his life, his four deaths, language of Arab Christian written heritage

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2. Vinogradov A. Iu. Opyt novogo izlozheniia Zhitiia i chudes sviatogo velikomuchenika i Pobedonostsa Georgiia // Bugaevskii A.V., igumen Vladimir (Zorin). Zhitie, stradaniia i chudesa sviatogo velikomuchenika i Pobedonostsa Georgiia i sviatoi muchenitsy tsaritsy Aleksandry (23 aprelia / 6 maia). Moscow, 1998. P. 59–64.
3. Vinogradov A. Iu. Georgii, vmch., Vizantiiskaia agiograficheskaia traditsiia. Muchenichestvo // Pravoslavnaia entsiklopediia. T. X. Moscow, 2005. P. 665–667.
4. Koran / I. Iu. Krachkovskii, per. i komment. Izd. 2-e. Moscow, 1986.
5. Krachkovskii I. Iu. Legenda o sv. Georgii Pobedonostse v arabskoi redaktsii // Krachkovskii I. Iu. Trudy po istorii i filologii Khristianskogo Vostoka / A. A. Dolinina, S. A. Frantsuzov, sost.. Moscow, 2015. P. 82–95 (pervoe izdanie v: Zhivaia starina. 1910, XIX, Vol. III. P. 215–232).
6. Krachkovskii I. Iu. Abu Khuzeifa bukharets i legenda o sv. Georgii Pobedonostse // Tam zhe. P. 122–129 (vpervye izd. v: Khristianskii Vostok. T. VI, 1915. Saint-Petersburg, 1916. P. 171–179).
7. Rezvan E. A. Koran i ego mir. Saint-Petersburg: ≪Peterburgskoe vostokovedenie≫, 2001.
8. Frantsuzov S.A. Vakhb ibn Munabbikh // Pravoslavnaia entsiklopediia. T. VII. M., 2004. S. 332–333.
9. Frantsuzov S. A. Arabskii pravoslavnyi agiograficheskii sbornik iz Biblioteki Rumynskoi akademii i problema proiskhozhdeniia zaveta sviatomu // Vestnik PSTGU. Seriia III: Filologiia. 2012. Vol. 3 (29). P. 57–72.
10. Frantsuzov S. A. ≪Chudo Bogoroditsy v Atribe≫: tekstologicheskie osobennosti i spetsifika soderzhaniia // Vestnik PSTGU. Seriia III: Filologiia. 2013. Vol. 5 (35). P. 97–108.
11. Shaikhu L. Tizkar al-mi’a as-sadisa ‘ashrata li-stishkhad al-kadis Dzhirdzhis // Al-Machriq. Revue catholique orientale bimensuelle. 6eme annee, 1903. P. 385–395.
12. Shaikhu L. Asar dzhadid li-a‘mal al-kadis Dzhirdzhis ash-shakhid // Al-Machriq. Revue catholique orientale bimensuelle. 10eme annee, 1907. P. 414–420.
13. Amelineau E. Contes et romans de l’Egypte chretienne. 1–2. P., 1888 (Collection de contes et chansons populaires).
14. Graf G. Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur. 1. Bd: Die Ubersetzungen. Citta del Vaticano, 1944 (Studi e testi; 118).
15. Krumbacher K. Der heilige Georg in der griechischen Uberlieferung / Aus dem Nachlasse des Verfassers hrsg. von A. Ehrhard. Munchen, 1911 (Abhandlungen der Philosophischphilologische und historische Klasse der Koniglichen Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, XXV. Bd, 3. Abhandlung).
16. Le synaxaire ethiopien. Mois de miyazya / Edition critique du texte ethiopien et traduction francaise par G. Colin. Turnhout (Belgique), 1995. P. 486–600 (Patrologia Orientalis; T. 46. Fasc. 4. N° 208).
17. The Martyrdom and Miracles of Saint George of Cappadocia / E. A. Wallis Budge, text and transl. London, 1888 (Oriental Text Series; I).
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Frantsuzov Sergei

The article deals with the image of stone in the Gospel of Matthew against the background of the Old Testament. Textual analysis is combined in the article with the attention paid to the early and medieval exegetical tradition. The search for the intertextual relations between the Old and the New Testament proved very fruitful in respect to the notion of stone which has great and multifaceted symbolic value in the Tanakh. It is a chosen substance symbolically related to the genesis of the chosen people, it is a special matter for building the Temple, the monument, etc. Most stone contexts in Matthew, and their number is the greatest among the Gospels, belong to one of the semantical groups: stone — the people, stone — temptation, stone — foundation, stone — Christ, stone — the key to the typology. The basis for the symbolic meaning of stone in Matthew, as could be predicted, lies in the Old Testament although a lot of motifs taken from undergo a process of re-symbolization so as to fit in the Christian ideology. The study shows that stone contexts in the Gospel are not separate units but form a kind of mosaic picture where one item supports and explains the others. Two ideas already crystallized in Matthew — “live” stones and succession of Testaments — form it seems the center of the symbolical value of the image of stone in the New Testament although it is not limited to them.

the Gospel of Matthew, New Testament, Old Testament, the Bible, stone, rock, image, motif, symbolic value, context, interpretation, exegetics

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11. Bibliography for an Exegetical and Patristic Examination of Matthew 16:18 // URL: https://bible.org/seriespage/bibliography-exegetical-and-patristic-examination-matthew-1618 (data obrashcheniia: 15. 10. 2016).
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14. Frolov D. The Notion of Stone in the Book of Genesis // Russian Oriental Studies: Current Research on Past & Present Asian and African Societies / V. Naumkin, ed. Leiden; Boston, 2004. P. 263–269.
15. Hieronymus Stridonensis. Commentaria in Evangelium S. Matthaei // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Latina / J. P. Migne, ed. P., 1845. T. 26. Col. 15–218.
16. Ioannes Chrysostomus. Homiliae in Mattheum // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Graeca / J. P. Migne, ed. P., 1862. T. 57–58.
17. Ioannes Chrysostomus. Interpretatio in Danielem prophetam // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Graeca / J. P. Migne, ed. P., 1859. T. 56. Col. 193–246.
18. Iustinus Philosophus et Martyr. Dialogus cum Triphone // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Graeca / J. P. Migne, ed. P., 1857. T. 6. Col. 481–800.
19. Jonge M., de. Mt 27,51 in Early Christian Exegesis // Harvard Theological Review. 1986. Vol. 79. N 1–3. P. 67–79.
20. Luz U. Das Evangelium nach Matthaus. Dusseldorf etc., 2002. Tl. 2. (Evangelisch-Katolischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testamenten).
21. Mali F. Das “Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum” und sein Verhaltnis zu den Matthauskommentaren von Origenes und Hieronymus. Innsbruck; Wien, 1991.
22. Metzger B. M. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament. L.; N. Y., 1971.
23. Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Graeca / J. P. Migne, ed. P., 1859. T. 56. Col. 611–946.
24. Origenes Werke / M. Rauer, E. Klostermann, Hrsg. Leipzig, 1930. Bd. 9; 1933. Bd. 11; 1941. Bd. 12. (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte; 35, 38, 41).
25. Tertullianus. Adversus Iudaeos // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Latina / J. P. Migne, ed. P., 1844. T. 2. Col. 595–642.
26. Tertullianus. Adversus Marcionem // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Latina / J. P. Migne, ed. Parisiis, 1844. T. 2. Col. 239–524.
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28. The Patristic Exegesis of the Rock of Matthew 16:18 / W. Webster, comp. URL: http://www.christiantruth.com/articles/fathersmt16.html (data obrashcheniia: 15. 10. 2016).
29. Theophylactus Bulgarorum. Enarratio in Evangelium Matthaei // Patrologiae cursus completus. Ser. Graeca / J. P. Migne, ed. P., 1864. T. 123. Col. 139–488.

Frolov Dmitrii

1. Davydenkov O. V. Ob istochnikakh nekotorykh kosmologicheskikh i antropologicheskikh idei Suleimana Gazskogo // Vestnik PSTGU. Seriia I: Bogoslovie. Filosofiia. 2016. Vol. 3 (65). P. 42–54.
2. Koran / I. Iu. Krachkovskii, per. i komment. Izd. 2-e. Moscow, 1986.
3. I trattati teologici di Sulaymān Ibn Ḥasan al-Ġazzī / P. la Spisa, еd. and transl. Louvain: Peeters, 2013. Р. 1–81. (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium; 648. Scriptores Arabici; 52).

Davydenkov Oleg, archpriest

Davydenkova Mariia