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22. Poirion D. 1978 “Les paragraphes et le pre-texte de Ville hardouin”, in Langue francaise, vol. 40, pp. 45-59.
23. Stanislaw-Kemenah A.-K. 1999 “Sur quelques ballades historiographiques d'Eustache Deschamps”, in Autour d'Eustache Deschamp, Amiens, 1999, pp. 245-255.
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Evdokimova Liudmila

In May 1389, a spectacular celebration was hosted at the abbey of Saint-Denis at the request of the young Charles VI, who, having finally escaped his uncles’ tutelage, aimed to assert his authority and to convince the local nobility to accept the reforms the Marmousets had previously initiated. This staging of royal power deeply struck Charles VI’s contemporaries: one can find traces of it in texts by the Religieux de Saint-Denis, by Eustache Deschamps and by a Piedmontese marquis, Thomas III of Saluzzo. Although these three authors all witnessed the same event, their renderings of it differ greatly. Thus, Eustache Deschamps, who used to be an officer at the French court, answers the Chronicle written in Latin by Michel Pintoin, the monk of the abbey where the celebration was held, in one of his ballads. Thomas of Saluzzo, on the other hand, weaved his memories of the celebration into his allegorical novel, the Livre du Chevalier Errant. Chronicle, poetry, novel: the different renderings of the May celebrations off er the literary critic the quite rare occasion to compare the texts one yext with the other on a formal level at the same time enabling him to compare their handling of historical truth. The way in which these three texts go past a simple matter-of-fact description of the event in order to give sense to it — be it through the very interpretation of the events, the emotional charge of the texts or both — shall be at the center of this analysis. At fi rst sight, it seems that the more the literariness of a text is underlined, the more the perception of the historical event is biased and the reference adjustable: as such, the three authors’ depiction of extra-textual reality is largely determined by the demands of each text’s internal logic. Of course, these variations give rise to a series of different meanings that in turn entail ideological issues to be uncovered in the course of this analysis.

Eustache Deschamps, Michel Pintoin, Thomas III of Saluzzo, Charles VI, implied author, celebration, court, emotion, referentiality, public

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Muhlethaler Jean-Claude

The aim of this paper, based on research conducted from Fr Ms. F. v. XIV, 8 of the National Library of Russia in St. Petersburg, will be the study of literary and political phenomena while at work, in France, at the dawn of the sixteenth century. As a first step, we examine the manuscript of St. Petersburg, piece by piece, to bring out the major literary motifs that characterize it and we use to reconstruct the literary atmosphere present at the court of France. In a second part, we will examine several policy themes, which show a genuine intellectual ferment caused by the Wars of Italy. Pluridisciplinary — in fact this paper will be located at the confluence of several disciplines (philology, literature, codicology, history of political and social thought) — our study helps to better understand the nature of the original artwork, vector of singular ideas from the manuscript of St. Petersburg.

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Marchandisse Alain

He ballad No. CLVI of Complete Works of Eustache Deschamps is devoted to a swallow that stings with its treacherous tongue or lingua dolosa, i.e., by words. We analyze this text with respect to the common semantic structure of allegorical works at the end of the Middle Ages — especially in relation to the meaning that the term sensus historicus had received by that time. Already in the thirteenth century, some authors understood this term to mean the historical context in which a given text was created; in addition, unlike in previous eras, the terms of sensus litteralis and sensus historicus now diverge: while the former is conditioned by the litteral meaning of words in the text, the second is hidden and has to be discovered. A peculiarity of allegorical texts created in the fourteenth century is that they require multiple readings at the same time. The possibility of historical interpretation is part of their original design. Built into the semantic structure, the sensus historicus coexists with other readings, so that one does not cancel the other. In the late Middle Ages, the art of exegesis was heavily regulated, not to say standardised, and always dealt with multiple autonomous interpretations, i.e interpretations that could easily contradict each other. Relationships of this kind are established between semantic plans of ballad in question — a rather obscure poem, which has not yet attracted the attention of researchers. In this ballad, a swallow attacks its opponents with neither sling nor stone, but with its tongue. Moreover, according to the poet, the swallow was born in Limousin. The place of origin of the bird acts as gloss, by means of which Deschamps uncovered the historical sense of the ballad, i.e., the political context in which it was written. As we will show, the swallow refers to Pope Gregory XI, born in Limousin, who in the early 1370s attacked the Visconti, dukes of Milan, with its bulls. It is known that the poet was linked to this family. Apart from the historical significance, the ballad has a moral meaning: the swallow is a slanderer, wicked and envious, which will be sent to hell. Characterizing the swallow, symbol of the slanderer, Deschamps draws on the De proprietatibus rerum of Bartholomeus Anglicus and the allegorical commentary that accompanies the story of Procne and Philomena in the Ovide moralise. Finally, looking at the literal sense of the ballad, which is a macaronic poem, we can see that the latin words signifi cantly contribute to its meaning. They refer the reader to the archetype of the text: the Psalms that condemn backbiting and impiety (e.g. Ps.52 / 51).

End of the Middle Ages, Eustache Deschamps, allegorical poetry, biblical exegesis, sensus historicus, political context, bulls of Gregory XI, Visconti family, moral meaning

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Evdokimova Liudmila

The paper deals with two medieval authors who lived and worked in the court of Henry II Plantagenet, namely Wace, historiographer and the author of Roman de Brut, and Marie de France, the author of the collection of lyric and epic poems about love and adventures of ancient Bretons, Lais. The paper puts forward a hypothesis that Marie’s literary project, i. e. the collection Lais, was formed under the infl uence of Roman de Brut by Wace. Talking about the twelve years when Arthur did not wage war and the country was at peace, Wace remarks that during this period many miracles and ventures took place. These are often related to Arthur and are sometimes perceived as tales. Wace deliberately distances himself from these tales considering that there is no place for them in a historiographic narration. Marie de France composes twelve lais, in which adventure is one of the key words. It can be assumed that the twelve adventures of Bretons are reminiscent of the twelve years of peace established in the realm of King Arthur after his return to England. Besides, Marie de France might have tried to supplement Wace’s chronicle (which deals with «true» feats of Bretons) with the story of their ventures, thus trying to fill the temporal and thematic lacunae in Roman de Brut.

arthurian literature, Marie de France, «Lais», Wace, «Brut», Geoffrey of Monmouth, «Historia Regum Britanniae», Matter of Britain, medieval historiography, adventure

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Dolgorukova Natal'ia

The paper addresses various issues related to the shift from Latin to vernacular languages in the domain of medieval exempla. It gives analysis of translations of Latin monastic and mendicant collections as well as their early medieval sources (such as Vitae Patrum, Dialogus miraculorum by Caesarius of Heisterbach, and Alphabetum Narrationum by Arnold of Liege). The paper also examines exempla collections initially composed in various vernacular languages in different milieus, mainly secular and clerical, but also monastic (for instance, Le Pelerinage de la Vie Humaine by the French Cistercian Guillaume de Deguileville, La Somme le Roy by the Dominican Frere Laurent, confessor of Philippe le Hardi, and Castigos attributed to King Sancho IV). Retrieving textual and codicological evidence on their purpose and readership, the author concludes that the exempla collections in vernacular languages were generally meant for private reading or recitation in public, and not for preaching, which is reflected in changes in structure and style. Paradoxically, they apparently reached only a very limited audience of literate lay devotees, whereas Latin exempla were brought to a much wider circles thanks to bilingual popular preachers who provided their uneducated listeners with an oral translation.

Medieval Translation, Translation Studies, Latin, Vernacular Languages, Preaching, Exempla

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31. Pintho-Matthieu E. 2010 “Le conte du jardinier de la Vie des Pferes ou comment precher aux laics“, in Le Tonnerre des exemples. Exempla et mediation culturelle dans l'Occident medieval, Rennes, 2010, pp. 113-130.
32. Polo de Beaulieu M. A. (ed.) Jean Gobi Junior. Scala coeli, Paris, 1991.
33. Polo de Beaulieu M. A. 2010 “De l'exemplum monastique a l'exemplum mendiant: continue set ruptures“, in Didaktisches Erzahlen, Formen literarischer Belehrung in Orient und Okzident, Frankfurt am Main, 2010, pp. 55-85.
34. Powell S. (ed.) John Mirk's Festial, London, 2011.
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38. Szkilnik M. (ed.) Histoire des moines d'Egypte, Droz, 1993.
39. Ueltschi K. (trad.) Le Mesnagier de Paris, Paris, 1994.
40. Uhlig M. 2012 “Le dialogue pere/fils dans la «Disciplina clericalis» et ses traductions frangaises en vers“, in Formes dialoguees dans la litterature exemplaire du Moyen Age, Paris, 2012, pp. 163-180.
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Polo de Beaulieu

This paper proposes a new approach to late medieval Cistercian exempla collections, which have long been neglected by scholars due to the presumed lack of ‘originality’. Indeed, in contrast to earlier collections that draw inspiration from the rich and flourishing oral tradition, those of the 14th century mainly reuse well-known written sources of non-Cistercian origin, in apparent imitation of more popular mendicant exempla handbooks. However, it would be misleading to regard them simply as evidence of the genre’s or the Order’s decline. Having examined this view from the perspective of both historical and literary criticism, the author rejects it. The remarkable diversity of late medieval Cistercian exempla collections suggests, on the one hand, the potential of the regional (micro)historical approach, and, on the other hand, the necessity of integrating them into new literary contexts. To illustrate the opportunities of such a perspective shift, the paper proposes a brief cross-disciplinary study of Sertum fl orum moralium, compiled by Simon de Vauluisant, the student of the Cistercian College Saint-Bernard in Paris, around 1346. The product of the university milieu, the Sertum was probably intended to be a florilegium, an authoritative compendium of useful maxims and extracts from learned sources, a genre highly appreciated by Cistercian intellectuals. Its lack of originality therefore contributes to the author’s intent to provide his readers with an effective learning tool, and should not be seen as a failure.

Exempla, Cistercian, Decline, Late Middle Ages, Fourteenth Century, Regional Approach

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Smirnova Viktoriia

Towards the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century, Cistercian monks, in particular at Clairvaux and in its filiation, grouped their stories in large collections, such as Herbert of Torres’ Liber visionum et Miraculorum, or Caesarius of Heisterbach’s Dialogus miraculorum. This article aims at distinguishing Cistercian exempla from the later exempla employed in the Mendicant orders, by concentrating on 31 Exordium Magnum Cisterciense sive Narratio de Initio Cisterciensis Ordinis. Auctore Conrado VI, 10. S. 420. 124 С. Мула. Средневековые цистерцианские exepmpla: между филологией и историей their literary and historical value. After a brief discussion on terminology, and on how the word «exemplum» was used to refer to both to exemplary actions and to the narrative of said actions, a single, famous story is considered in all its many variants: the visit of the Virgin Mary and other saintly women to the Cistercian monks in harvest time. Small changes to the story show how that its interpretation was open, and it could be used to highlight different aspects of Cistercian life, from the particular Marian protection, to the role of the abbot of a monastery. Exempla, however, were also used by the same Cistercian monks as historical documents. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Cistercian monk and historian of the beginning of the 13th Century is a case in point, and his attitude towards exempla is presented thanks to an analysis of his works: the Clarevallense, the Adbreuiatio Fratris Caesarii (an unpublished collection of chronologically-ordered excerpts from the Dialogus miraculorum), and his main work, the Chronica. New editions and translations now allow a deeper understanding of the Cistercian exempla, which deserve the attention of both historians and literary scholars.

exempla, cistercian,Herbert of Clairvaux, miracle, vision, variants

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13. Mula S. 2005 “Il cosiddetto Chronicon Clarevallense. Edizione dal ms. Firenze, Bibl. Laurenziana, Ashburnham 1906”, in Bollettino semestrale del Gruppo di studio «Herbertus», no. 5/4, pp. 5-48.
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16. Mula S. 2010 “Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Cistercian Exempla Collections: Role, Diffusion, and Evolution”, in History Compass, vol. 8/8, pp. 903-912.
17. Mula S. 2010 “Herbert de Torres et l'autoreprdsentation de l'ordre cistercien dans les recueils d'exempla”, in Le Tonnerre des exemples. Exempla et mediation culturelle dans l'Occident, Rennes, 2010, pp. 187-199.

Mula Stefano